“It’s completely disingenuous for anyone who is truly concerned about this nation’s sustainability and carrying capacity to continue to ignore the jet engine driving U.S. population growth: immigration.” - Dan Stein, President of FAIR
(September 20, 2016, Washington, D.C.) – One of the most important factors in achieving environmental sustainability in the U.S. is to reduce immigration, finds a new report, “U.S. Immigration and the Environment,” by the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR). America’s rapidly growing population is one of the biggest impediments to meeting critical environmental goals, and immigration is by far the largest factor driving U.S. population growth.
“It’s completely disingenuous for anyone who is truly concerned about this nation’s sustainability and carrying capacity to continue to ignore the jet engine driving U.S. population growth: immigration,” said FAIR President Dan Stein. “Immigration fueled more than half of U.S. population growth in the last 50 years, and will generate three-quarters of it in the next 50 years,” he added.
The U.S. has the largest ecological footprint in the world, measured by emissions of greenhouse gases and resource consumption. Adding to that footprint is the growing number of human feet, largely a result of mass immigration, which continues to undermine our efforts to minimize America’s impact on the global environment. All of the gains that have been made through conservation and improved efficiency have been wiped out by continued immigration-driven population growth.
“It is simply impossible for the United States to address critical ecological challenges while increasing our population by more than 100 million people by the middle of this century,” said Stein. “A high-immigration, high-population U.S. threatens the future successes of the environmental movement, including efforts to fight global climate change and urban sprawl.”
The report makes five recommendations, noting that any delay reducing immigration will make it increasingly difficult to achieve a political consensus to finally bring immigration back to traditional levels. The recommendations include:
- The government should adopt an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) on U.S. immigration policy. No U.S. government agency has ever produced an EIS assessing the impact of large-scale population growth.
- Set a national goal of population stabilization. First recommended nearly 50 years ago and then again under President Clinton, the U.S. should adopt the goal of population stabilization.
- End chain migration. Admission to the U.S. should be limited to the immediate nuclear family of immigrants, including spouse and unmarried minor children.
- Reduce immigration levels. Immigration should be reduced from its current 1.25 million to roughly 300,000 per year.
- Adopt an immigration policy that lives within an immigration “budget.” Living within an immigration budget will inject some much-needed discipline into the system and address the continued use of “temporary” categories that remain in place long after the crisis that created the need ends.
“In recent years, many environmental groups that had previously taken strong, common sense positions in favor of reducing immigration have abandoned their core principles in favor of other political agendas. Given the existential challenges posed by global warming and other threats to the survival of our planet, these groups need to support commonsense population policies now,” said Stein. “The only way to buy some time in the race the save the environment is by acting now on immigration.”
Read the full report here.
ABOUT FAIR
Founded in 1979, FAIR is the country’s largest immigration reform group. With over 250,000 members nationwide, FAIR fights for immigration policies that serve national interests, not special interests. FAIR believes that immigration reform must enhance national security, improve the economy, protect jobs, preserve our environment, and establish a rule of law that is recognized and enforced.
Comments
VivKay (not verified)
Thu, 2016-09-22 19:27
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Nothing can be filled forever!
admin
Wed, 2016-10-05 14:07
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Lateline misuses the correct information on immigration numbers
John Bentley (not verified)
Wed, 2016-10-05 18:53
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Jessica Irvine
VivKay (not verified)
Fri, 2016-10-07 09:01
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The great immigration con
John Bentley (not verified)
Fri, 2016-10-07 17:45
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Jessica, Jessica......
Olaf (not verified)
Thu, 2016-10-13 11:45
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Stop Press! Teresa May defends British sovereignty
UK politics: May's revolutionary conservatism
Bagehot: May's revolutionary conservatism
Britain's new prime minister signals a new, illiberal direction for the country
MAINSTREAM politicos in
Britain have long held these truths to be self evident. The left won the
social battles of the past decades. The right won the economic ones.
The resulting consensus combines free-market liberalism with broadly
permissive cultural instincts. But on October 5th Theresa May
strode up to the podium at the Conservative Party conference, awkwardly
waved at the crowd, cleared her throat and unceremoniously drove a
bulldozer through those assumptions.
Mrs May began with a
short tribute to David Cameron. Her predecessor had presided over rising
employment, improving schools and falling crime, she noted, before
adding: "But now we need to change again." And then came the tornado.
Britain's vote to leave the EU in June
was about much more than Brexit. It was a "quiet revolution", a "turning
point", a "once in a generation" revolt by millions of ignored citizens
sick of immigration, sick of footloose elites, sick of the
laissez-faire consensus. "A change has got to come," she said, four
times.
The nation state is back:
"Time to reject the ideological templates provided by the socialist
left and the libertarian right and to embrace a new centre ground in
which government steps up," Mrs May declared. So borders will be
strengthened, foreign workers kept out, patriotism respected, order and
discipline imposed, belonging and rootedness enshrined. "If you believe
you're a citizen of the world, you're a citizen of nowhere. You don't
understand what the very word citizenship means," she said.
On the economy, the
Conservatives are moving left. Parts of Mrs May's speech recalled Ed
Miliband, Labour's previous leader, whose market interventionism earned
him an anti-business reputation. She went on about bosses who do not
look after their staff, companies that do not pay enough tax and utility
firms that rip off consumers (even hinting at the sort of meddling in
energy markets that won Mr Miliband particular barbs). Her government,
she said, would identify the industries that are of "strategic value to
our economy" and boost them "through policies on trade, tax,
infrastructure, skills, training, and research and development." At one
point she even questioned the independent Bank of England's low interest rates.
Socially, meanwhile, Mrs
May is taking her party rightward and at moments sounded more like Nigel
Farage, the doyen of the populist UK Independence Party. She took aim
at liberal politicians and commentators who "find your patriotism
distasteful, your concerns about immigration parochial, your views about
crime illiberal" and "left wing, activist human-rights lawyers".
Companies will be made to declare how many of their staff are
foreigners, to shame those who do not hire natives.
It remains to be seen
precisely what will come of all this. The almost comically small-bore
policies announced so far--including cadet forces in two-dozen state
schools and a review into labour conditions--hardly correspond to the
daring rhetoric. Every new prime minister since Thatcher has arrived in
office promising to revive manufacturing, lubricate social mobility and
do more for hacked-off, hard-pressed strivers. Still, the sheer
intellectual swagger of its authoritarianism sets Mrs May's speech
apart. It is worrying: a systematic rejection of the way the country has
been governed, for worse and mostly better, for decades. Like it or
not, Britain's strengths are its open, flexible, mostly urban service
economy and its uncommonly mobile and international workforce. That fact
cannot simply be wished or legislated away.
Mrs May makes it clear
that liberal London should not take precedence over post-industrial
areas. Yet the citizens of that great deracinated, metrosexual Babylon
pay more in work taxes than do those of the next 36 cities combined.
Brexit, it is true, was partly a vote against the aloofness of the
capital and its arrogant captains of finance. But it was not a vote for a
poorer country, higher unemployment or shabbier public services. The
prime minister's speech does not fill Bagehot with confidence about her ability, or even willingness, to find the right balance as she sets the country's post-Brexit course.
Au revoir, laissez-faire
Yet it will resonate with
the public and may propel the Tories to a landslide at the next
election. Its premise--that the vote for Brexit was a revolt against
globalisation--was sound. Touring pro-Leave events during the referendum
campaign, Bagehot heard again and again that the cards were
stacked in favour of fat cats and foreigners. One can disapprove of Mrs
May's prospectus without denying that it speaks to these concerns, and
to the pathology that has emerged with each recent tale of elite
complacency, corporate malfeasance and political corruption; from the
MPs' expenses scandal of 2009 to the shoddy treatment of workers at BHS,
a collapsed retail giant, this spring.
So it is not enough for
liberals to shake their heads at Mrs May's populism. They have to
grapple with the reasons for its appeal. Areas with fast-rising migrant
populations do not receive corresponding resources fast enough. The
country's infrastructure is patchy, the health service is at breaking
point and jobs are plentiful but low-paying. It is not illiberal to
recognise that London and the rest of Britain can feel like different
countries.
Those who resent the
prime minister's protectionist, authoritarian gloom must, then, do more
than hyperventilate and pearl-clutch. They should cheer Mrs May when she
gets things right; perhaps on house-building, where her government has
declared war on NIMBYs who oppose new construction projects. And when
they disagree, they should come up with better solutions: better ways to
reform corporate governance, increase competition, improve public
services and adapt the workforce to change. No one can accuse the prime
minister of being vague about the course she wants Britain to take. At
the very least, opponents must rise to the same standard--and offer an
alternative.
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