Video and Transcript of Neil Oliver on Orwellian policies in Britain and elsewhere

Transcript from Clayton Morris of Redacted Inc's discussion with Neil Oliver, former BBC archaeological history commentator, who shares his theories about immigration and progressive ideologies in Scotland and elsewhere. He says the mainstream media which formerly promoted him, now marginalizes him for his opinions. He finds solace in the support of interesting and courageous individuals, who are grateful for his speaking out.

 

 

Transcript from 14.38 minutes into the video: https://youtu.be/Xp4L6Nt7APQ?t=878

[…] CLAYTON MORRIS: […] We are sick and tired of the power structures in Washington, the Deep State, or whatever it is that’s running things, and we want to blow it up. I have to say, we are sat here, very near Stirling Castle. If any of our audience has been to Scotland, it’s such a beautiful place. Stirling Castle, the Battle of Stirling Bridge has such an incredible history here, you know, famously played out in the movie Braveheart, with William Wallace, played by Mel Gibson battling the English outnumbered outgunned so to speak. Crushing them at the Battle of Sterling Bridge and famously that Mel Gibson phrase from Braveheart, you know, ‘You'll never take away my freedoms.’ I've heard you repeatedly talk about freedoms being taken away and it seems to be like this is the heart of it like right near Sterling Castle. This idea of Freedom, Freedom, from tyranny, freedom from censorship, freedom, from the government telling me what to do. And yet, I've heard you say that many of those freedoms have just been Taken away.

NEIL OLIVER: It's been very alarming to watch because as you say, Scots and people have these things tattooed on their bodies, you know about freedom, you know, it's it's always been deeply, literally ingrained this sense of uh right the sense of freedom, the will of the people,  the determination to stand in their face of the oppressor at whatever cost.

And yet, as happened all over when it came to COVID,  for example, there was just a sudden rolling over in the face of it.  

And then - I said, at the beginning of this, you know, that I was bowled over by the intensity of what we were being told as well. But I got back up again and thought, no, hold on, that can't be right. And then everything that's happened since then began to unfold for me. And it's worth paying attention to the fact that if […] a population like Scotland has told itself about ‘Freedom and you may take our lives, but you'll never take our freedom,’ and that. That stubborn opposition, even without number - If a movement comes from that loss in a place like Scotland, it's very significant because it's iconic and it's associated with the identity - and I'm not claiming exceptionality for Scots and Scotland in that regard.

Many places, many populations have - or parts of populations have - proud histories, similarly. 

In Ireland,for example, which is very close to us geographically and we have, as Scott's, especially, we have a great deal in common with the with the Irish. You know, there's been a great blending. People talk about the, you know, the Celtic like, you know, ‘United by a common Celtic identity,’ and so on.

Immigration overload

But likewise, it's almost terrifying to me to watch what's happening in Ireland. You know, Ireland, because it has fallen under the thrall, under the yoke - so strongly - of the EU, the European Union, and the unelected unaccountable, globalist ideologue bureaucrats, there – that Ireland at the moment is in the midst of being flooded with deliberate immigration at a level that the country cannot cope with.

I mean, they’ve agreed at the moment to take up to 24, 000 people a year. Now, the population of the Republic of Ireland – it’s a small country in the world.

CLAYTON MORRIS: 24, 24 000?

NEIL OLIVER: A year. Forever. And that number can go up, at any point, and the people of Ireland don't have any control over it. That will be imposed on them from without.

And, it seems to, I watch that, having grown up - I'm 58 - and having grown up through the Troubles in Ireland, and having internalised amongst other things, the determination of say, the politics of Sinn Féin, you know, that Ireland must be independent; that Ireland must determine its own fate for itself, by itself, and of itself.  Whether you agreed with that or not,  it was [unclear] clear  - the Irish identity, the music, the culture, the language, everything about it - is one of the most identifiable identities on the face of the Earth.

CLAYTON MORRIS: Right.

NEIL OLIVER: Name to me something more instantly - something you can stop someone anywhere and see what are the Irish? What is Ireland?

CLAYTON MORRIS: Right.

NEIL OLIVER: And you'll get the stuff: Shamrock, Guinness, music, blarnie, you know, ‘the craic’ - all of the rest of these things, clichéd or not.  And Ireland is just on its back, at the moment.

So, you think, where is that?  What’s happened to that indigenous determination, to be Irish, to be ourselves, to be yourselves?

CLAYTON MORRIS: That’s not wrong. Is it wrong?

NEIL OLIVER: It's not wrong. It’s not wrong at all.

CLAYTON MORRIS: Is it wrong to feel that you want to preserve the Scottish heritage?

NEIL OLIVER: And it seems to me that places, these small and instantly identifiable places, like Scotland - like Britain, frankly - another small place in the scheme of things. Ireland -  you see - in Canada, huge place, relatively small population, New Zealand, Australia, vast continent, but a relatively 25 - 25 million people - whatever it is.

These places seem to me to have been singled out specifically because they're small, They've got a – they’ve had - a very clearly defined sense of themselves that they’re  synonymous with freedom, they’re synonymous with a sense of self. And it seems to me that the globalists seem to be saying, ‘If we can show the world that we can undo these people;  if we can put these people on their backs and have them become homogenized places, atomized populations, strip out millennia of identity, and leave these places atomised and with no sense of themselves, and just at the behest of unelected bureaucrats here, there and everywhere, then we can do it anywhere.

CLAYTON MORRIS: It seems so evil. I mean, these unelected bureaucrats, these globalists who run the show, it seems so evil that it's almost hard to believe. Like when you and I talk about the globalists in this agenda - which you can see it clear as day. Talk to English, talk to the English. Ask them, is London the city of your youth and they'll say it's unrecognisable. It's totally different.

NEIL OLIVER: It's fallen. There are [unclear] places besides around the world, the people who know that their own equivalence better than I do, I’m sure, would say the same and for the same reasons and all the time it is, it's critically, crucially necessary to always say, that the people feeling it, deeply, that their places, they're home towns, their cultural identities are being undone by the uncontrolled arrival of outsiders. Those feelings are justifiable and justified, but it's only as important, but it is as important, remember, but it’s being done. These things are not happening organically. You know, the thousands of people are not coming across the English Channel and being intersected by the RNLI and border patrol and bussed to hotels –

And you know, that's not happening because it's natural. It's being done to Britain and it's being done to Europe. People are right to be angry about it's happening. And of course, they look at the people are coming towards them that they don't recognise, who have different, understandings of how to be alive in the world. And they're angry. And they're fearful and all the rest of it. [Unclear]

But it's happened because it's being done to undermine these places. And what you get back to ultimately - I say this again and again - it's because there's an anti-human agenda.

All of the things that matter most to people, right, family. You know, the importance of family, the importance of community, the importance, the fundamental importance of feeling roots in a place and feeling a sense of belonging to a place. And to some extent, a sense of ownership of a place. These are fundamental human traits.  And feeling bonded to the members of your community, and feeling protective of the members of your community. And knowing that all of that has roots in deep history, going back hundreds of years, say, in the US, and in Canada.  But here in in Europe, going back, thousands of years of depth of sense of belonging, sense of ownership. That all of that is being dissolved away for people, and there's an intent there to atomise, deracinate, to cut away at the roots, to leave people feeling isolated, alone, bonded to nothing, coming from nothing - because that's the Playbook, over and over again, the would-be totalitarians, the would-be globalists, the would-be dictators.

They want people to feel that their family is not worth thinking about, that they don't respect what the parents stood for. They don't feel any sense of belonging to their culture, to the national identity, to the nation state and, in that atomized, deracinated state of mind, people are just tumbleweeds. They can be moved anywhere. If you don't belong somewhere, then arguably you belong anywhere, and you can be moved anywhere and because you don't feel the loss, you don't feel the lie.  

And that's what's evil. I mean, I think you said evil - that is what is evil, because everything that has been to be human and alive is the target of those who would, who are anti-human, who are transhumanist. You know, those who would see up the human race upgraded in some way. And that's what we've got to. That's what we are. And that's where we have to continue to stand in the face or stand in defiance of. Because the people that you and I resonate with, don't want it. They’ve not been asked if they want any of this, they’re not asked to vote on any of this. It's being imposed upon them. And it's been such an attritional war.

We've been, you know - you know him too, a good friend of mine, now – Kevork Almassian - and I was talking to him: This this Armenian Syrian commentator podcaster. You know, he was in communication with me over the last few weeks and he said, ‘Remember Neil, that our generation has been subject to the most brutal Psyop - the most calculated, orchestrated, military-grade mental warfare of any generation in history, and it's been attritional. It goes on day after day, year after year after year, and people are ground down by it, understandably.  And you, you do feel that as part of where, with the people that you and many others are resonating with, it's because these people are simultaneously exhausted, fatigued, anxious. But they know what's right, and when they hear it, they know it. 

CLAYTON MORRIS: When you look at Scotland and you look at the family - I've had the incredible treat of meeting your beautiful children - Family is at the heart of any culture, any heritage, right? It's the most important thing. How have you seen Scotland try to break down the traditional family?

NEIL OLIVER: Oh my goodness. It's it's no secret. I suppose I put my head above the parapet the first time really in 2014, when there was a referendum on whether or not Scotland should remain part of the United Kingdom or instead strike out on its own, as an independent separate country. And I resisted getting involved for a long time, but quite close to the time of the referendum itself, in 2014, I wrote a piece for one of the newspapers in which I said I wanted to remain part of the United Kingdom that I felt it was better for me and mine. Um And you know, then that for a lot of for a lot of people certainly in the UK, I was associated with a television series called “A History of Scotland.” I had done a lot of stuff that was that had a Scottish backdrop and people I think a lot of people had made assumptions about the likelihood of my being someone who was pro-Independence, which I wasn't. I can see it now, I wasn't really inclined to put it so bluntly at the time, but really while the idea of Independence was a more nuanced thing, for me, I felt that the Scottish National Party, the political movement that was pushing it, were a bunch of crooks. I didn't trust them as far as I could throw them.  And so, it wouldn't have mattered what their ideology was. It could have been offering three puppies and gold bars but coming from them, I thought, ‘Not from them,’ I don't want anything. I don't want to, I've crossed the street away from these these people, this, this political movement, so it wasn't - And so I opposed it. As it happened, the 2014 referendum returned a fairly strong majority in favour of remaining part of the United Kingdom, 45 to 55.  And so, that that matter was really laid to rest for many people, right there and then, but the Scottish national party nonetheless remains in position as the majority in Scotland and the first Minister Alex Salmon, and then Nicholas Sturgeon. It's still an SAP first minister, John Swinny. So, you know, they've never gone away,  and the continued to push without being able to have Independence. They continue to push other aspects of their ideology, which to me, the proof of what I had suspected, all along, was made manifest as the years then unfolded from 2014 onward.

And, for example, various bits of egregious legislation that that bunch tried to bring forward. Notoriously, one of them was what was called The Named Persons Bill, whereby each minor under 16 - maybe under 18 - I forget now, but every child in Scotland was going to have ‘a named person,’ which believe it or believe it not,  it would have been a state-approved outsider to the family. Could have been a teacher, it could have been some other figure in their lives, with whom the child would have been encouraged to form a relationship - you know, talking, you know, exchanging confidences.  And, that the family, no child's family would have had the right to know the nature of those conversations. They wouldn’t have been privy to any of it - all of it happening behind the parents’, behind the families’ backs. And it went all the way to the Supreme Court in Scotland before it was finally turned back. It was, it didn't, it was not - that bill was not able to be enacted.

But it'll be sitting in a drawer somewhere. It'll be it will be ready to you know it's an up and ready thing, ready to go you know, as and when. And if that isn't indicative of a determination to get between, to get this to [shoe-in ?] the state in the most sly, underhand way, to get up to get someone in there between the child and its family, then I don't know what is. I don't see how that determination to get to interfere with the family could have been made more blatant.

CLAYTON MORRIS: They've done it in California.

NEIL OLIVER: And it's  - Any administration that sees that as the way to go, I don't want to hear any more about that Administration. I don't care about the fiscal policy. I don't care about their economics, I don't care about anything. If that's their mindset, then I, you now, I would run a hundred miles, I’d run a thousand miles to get away from an administration like that. But that has been the policy that this the government administration prefer. I don't like government. It's an administration that's supposed to administer the wishes of the electorate. I wish they would remember that. Whoever they are, that they don't govern, you know, people govern themselves.

But they get themselves so side-tracked - the determination to get in amongst us And it's a mindset. It comes from a mindset that I want driven out of society. I want these people driven to the edges and beyond, not to be at the centre, suggesting and writing policy! I don't want these people anywhere near it, but then we see it, we see, uh, you know, manifesting more recently in the censorship. You know the censorship, to me it's not quite as insidious as the Named Person’s Bil, but it's insidious, this determination to make sure - It seems to me that we're being nudged in the direction of nothing less than compelled speech. It's not even going to stop at you can't say certain things. It feels that were being merged into situation where you get handed a laminated card every morning. And these are the 10 things you have to see today.  You know, not only you're limited to these things but you have to say all of these things, you know.

CLAYTON MORRIS: Right.

NEIL OLIVER:  It's as if we're being put in a position, where we all have to stand in line and salute the leader. And an underline our support by saying certain things. Nevermind not saying certain things, I think it's worse than censorship.

And of course, we see it everywhere. It's there, it's been there. The attempts are being made, or have been made in Australia. You know, they’re being made of they’ve been made in Canada, you know. It's in the U.S. It's across Europe. There are various iterations of these determinations to control what people say, what people think. Look at these arrests in Germany, 170 people taken in dawn raids, because they've spoken in some way about political figures that the state deems unacceptable.

And these people are being, you know, face jail terms up to three years for insulting politicians. If the people can't insult politicians, who the hell else is going to do the job?

CLAYTON MORRIS: Right. Comedians have made a long career have insulting politicians. It goes back to the, you know, hundreds of years ago in the United States and newspapers. Insulting politicians. That's what we do.

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