democracy

Australia - A Sweden of the South?

By Vern Hughes:

Since the 1960s, the Scandinavian model of social inclusion, economic co-operation and political consensus-seeking has been cited around the world as the stand-out, practical, real-life alternative to both free market capitalism and centralized socialism. For many people who are disheartened by the brutal winner-take-all politics of English-speaking nations, the five countries of Scandinavia (Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Finland and Iceland) have been a beacon of social inclusion, intellectual moderation, sexual equality and economic partnership.

Given the affection which many Australians have towards the Scandinavian way of doing things, it is surprising that social reformers here have not exploited this synergy. We value openness as the Scandinavians do. We have a love of the outdoors and nature as Nordic people do. We pioneered sexual equality along with New Zealand and the Scandinavians. We were innovators in democracy in the 19th century, like the Nordic countries. We have a down-to-earth non-pretentious culture which, at its best, values loyalty and relationships over personal indulgence and conspicuous wealth (conspicuous private wealth is still culturally frowned upon in the Nordic countries to a remarkable degree).

At various points in the last half century, the Scandinavian model – and Sweden, in particular – have been proposed as directions for Australian public policy and social reform. When industrial democracy and economic collaboration were talked about in the 1970s and 1980s, it was the Swedish and Finnish models that were discussed. The ACTU’s Prices and Incomes Accord during the Hawke-Keating period was drawn from Swedish and Norwegian historical experience. When alternatives to our military dependence on the USA were explored in the 1980s, it was Swedish and Finnish neutrality that caught our interest. As second-wave feminism gave way to practical issues of sexual partnership, it was Iceland, Denmark and Sweden that were pace-setters. As our public schools began to fall behind in the 1990s, it was the Finnish education system that beckoned.

In the 1980s, I first came across the term ‘Sweden of the South’. It referred to an Australian take-up of the Swedish model of economic and social inclusion. This was popular for a period with some Australian economists, trade unionists, and feminists. Some in the peace movement took it up in the late 1980s as Sweden stood outside NATO and military entanglement with the United States in a nuclear stand-off with the Soviet Union. Adult education groups discovered Sweden’s extensive system of adult and further education. Reformers in areas such as illicit drug use, prostitution and crime embraced the Swedish model in these areas.

Why didn’t this trend find its expression in the Australian Democrats? On the surface, the Democrats (1977-2003) might appear to have been a likely proponent of Scandinavian centrism. The late Senator John Siddons was a fervent advocate of employee ownership of firms and industrial democracy. He was joined in the 1990s by Senator Andrew Murray from WA. And the party always favoured reform of our Westminster parliamentary system to extend proportional representation and create a more diverse and representative system of contending political parties.
But in the main, the prevailing social libertarianism of the 1980s and 1990s ran counter to the consensual egalitarianism and inclusion of the Scandinavians. Advocacy of industrial democracy and learning circles in firms, family co-operatives in social policy, and recognition of natural relationships and mutual supports in disability and mental health require more than a culture of parliamentary amendment and protest: they demand a culture of creating practical alternatives in society and building social participation in these arrangements. This was a step too far for the Democrats – the party never managed to make the transition from ‘keeping the bastards honest’ to constructing social and economic arrangements that kept the bastards out of power and influence.

Today, the Scandinavian model stands as clearly as ever as an alternative to the political paralysis and division that has engulfed the Western world. A Donald Trump or a Jeremy Corbyn are both inconceiveable in the five Nordic countries. While parliamentary stagnation and division in Australia, the US and the UK reach record levels, Sweden continues its 40 year practice of Almedalen, where 20,000 political leaders and party members across the spectrum gather on the island of Gotlund for a week-long summer camp of discussions, talks and shared recreation. Can Australians imagine anything like this in our politics?

When Australian voters are asked in opinion polls what they expect of their politicians, they consistently indicate a preference for something like Almedalen, that is, they expect their representatives to work together for the common good without partisan divisions or game-playing. The trouble is, our Westminster system of duopoly ensures they never get it.

In 2018 there is a huge vacuum in the centre of Australian politics for an electoral force that represents the Scandinavian way of doing things – a ‘Sweden of the South’. Can such an electoral force emerge? In several key areas, the residual Left and Right still stand in the way.

On immigration, refugees and social cohesion, the Scandinavian countries do not favour open entry to their nations. They acknowledge limits to diversity, and limits to their capacity to absorb immigrants and refugees into the social mainstream. Denmark, Norway and Sweden have in recent years reduced their intake of new settlers. Sweden has curtailed welfare allocations to asylum seekers and now restricts jobs for immigrants to positions that can't be filled by native Swedes. Australia can learn from this typically Scandinavian pragmatism. Most of the centre left in Australian politics is reluctant to embrace a similar stance, as if there is something morally deficient in limiting the entry of immigrants and refugees. Australians can surely learn from the Scandinavians that limiting immigration in the name of social cohesion is perfectly legitimate for a nation that values cohesion and participation.

On economic collaboration and industrial co-operation, the Scandinavians have been prepared to subjugate ideological positions (free markets and protection of local industry) to more fundamental and enduring commitments to shared ownership and governance in industry. Imagine the Australian debate on corporate tax cuts if an Australian party proposed that companies (big and small) with more than 50% ownership by their employees would receive big tax cuts and exemptions from land and payroll tax. Imagine the debate on energy if we proposed to transfer the operating licences of energy retailers to co-operatives of consumers and small businesses. Imagine the debate on Medicare if we proposed the Dutch model of health reform, whereby citizens may choose one of several competing health mutuals to meet 100% of their health needs (a Catholic mutual, a New Age mutual based on natural and complementary health, a sports and outdoor living mutual, an indigenous mutual based on traditional culture, and so on).

On partnership between the sexes, the Scandinavian countries have a cultural tradition of celebrating children and building child-centred communities, which has shaped their feminism. Compared to countries in the Anglosphere, the family unit is relatively strong in the Nordic countries - Sweden has the highest birth rate in Europe, Italy has the lowest. Australian feminists can learn a great deal from Scandinavian feminism, rejecting the anti-family feminism that is prominent in English-speaking countries and embedding egalitarian partnership between the sexes in daily life, and a celebration of children in the culture.

Individualised funding, or use of ‘vouchers’ in service delivery has tended to be anathema to ‘progressives’ in the Anglosphere, but Sweden has the highest use of vouchers of any country in the world. It has embedded individualised funding arrangements throughout its welfare state. This has resulted in greater ownership of social provision through taxation than in countries like Australia where political parties tend to use social programs as vote-buying dispensations to passive disengaged 'clients'. Extended individualized funding arrangements in service delivery in Australia would strengthen ownership of social service provision by consumers, and shift the balance of power from providers to consumers.

On drugs, the Scandinavian countries have been pragmatically sceptical of the overblown ‘war on drugs’. They have been prepared to experiment and learn from the results. In the 1980s Sweden decriminalized several illicit drugs, in expectation that drug use would go down. Twenty years later, when drug use had increased, Sweden reversed its position, moving to mandatory rehabilitation for users of several illicit drugs and re-criminalisation of dealers. Australians can learn from this pragmatism. Ideology should always be subservient to evidence of what works.

And on defence and foreign policy, the Nordic countries have maintained an ethic of independent military self-reliance, sceptical of entangling military alliances, which is backed up by compulsory military service for young people. All the Scandinavian countries integrate their military forces into civil society in the interests of comprehensive security planning and to prevent the development of a separatist military caste that stands apart from the rest of society. Both Left and Right in Australia have tended to not take military self-reliance and independence seriously - a consequence of our ongoing 'cultural cringe' which drives, still, our military dependence on the United States. Our peace movement and our defence forces have tended to live in different cultural universes – the Scandinavian tradition of inclusion and participation has demanded their collaboration.
Is this too big a jump for Australian political activists and social change movements? Can we build on our tradition to embody a clear alternative to neo-liberal capitalism and big government socialism that is radically centrist and radically Australian? Can we be the ‘Sweden of the South’?

The original article by Vern Hughes

Fix Our Politics

For the 80% of us in the sensible centre of Australian life

Website: www.sensiblecentre.org.au

We think both Right and Left have failed to empower ordinary citizens and instead created a political and managerial class that puts its own interests before the community and national interest. We also think that about 80% of Australians are of the same mind.

We have a Ten-Point Platform for the coming federal election:

· Restore civility to politics and end the culture wars

· Remove career politicians from Canberra and return to citizen self-government

· Wind back the managerial class so we can reform our institutions

· Break-up the Big Four banks, Big Three utilities, Big Two retailers and One Big Telco

· Limit CEO salaries in companies subject to federal licencing (banks, finance, AusPost) with a cap at 40 times the company's lowest wage

· Return the budget to surplus and eliminate debt by ending corporate and middle-class welfare

· Personalise social services and individualise their funding so they serve consumers and families

· Place a moratorium on immigration until social cohesion is restored and infrastructure and services catch up with our population

· Build a competitive energy market that is source-neutral so consumers and businesses can set their own energy transitions

· Chart an independent course for Australia in security and world affairs without deference to either China or America

We will seek registration as a political party to participate in all forms of our democracy, at federal, state and local levels.

We also want members to come together by industry and interest in Working Commissions in areas such as NDIS, Centrelink, banking, energy and superannuation. We aim to develop political strategies and market-based initiatives in these areas to wind-back the power and patronage of the political and managerial class and empower citizens.

Further details are available at our website www.sensiblecentre.org.au

There are many ways in which to become involved. We look forward to your participation.

Vern Hughes
0425 722 890
Director
Civil Society Australia
[email protected]
www.sensiblecentre.org.au

One Nation's Shan Ju Lin defends Pauline Hanson, says she fears Chinese Government will 'take over'

Article by Kristian
Silva
Updated
Wed Dec 21

Shan Ju Lin A poster with Chinese writing featuring Shan Ju LinPauline Hanson and Shan Ju Lin smile Shan Ju Lin at a World Harmony Society eventOne Nation leader Pauline Hanson announces 36 candidates to stand at the next Queensland election
Photo

Shan Ju Lin was announced as One Nation's Bundamba
candidate on the weekend.

Supplied

A woman believed to be One Nation's first Asian candidate is not
offended by Pauline Hanson's infamous remark 20 years ago that the country was
at risk of "being
swamped by Asians".

Shan Ju Lin said she believed she and the party would get the votes of "good
Asians" in the Queensland election, slated for 2018, as they too feared the
rising influence of the Chinese Government in Australia.

She understood why Ms Hanson made those comments, which included claims that
Asians "form ghettos and do not assimilate".

"For European people it's very difficult to distinguish Chinese or Korean or
Japanese, and I can understand why she said it," Ms Lin said.

"She sees the problem ahead of everybody, including you and me.

"Everything she said is happening now."

Ms Lin, a school teacher who moved from Taiwan to Australia 26 years ago,
said the Chinese Government, namely the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), was
exerting too much influence on Australia.

It was already influencing the Labor and Liberal parties, she said, adding
there would be serious consequences if huge numbers of its supporters moved to
Australia.

"I feel the Chinese Communist Party is a great threat to Australia because
they bought a lot of businesses and our harbours and properties," she said.

"They will take over power of Australia.

"They will form their own government.

"Would you like 20 million people to move to Australia? Would you like to
see that happen?"

Political tensions between China and neighbouring Taiwan stretch back more
than 60 years, and Ms Lin said she had disliked the CCP since birth.

The CCP is also cracking down on Falun Gong, a Chinese meditation and
spiritual movement that Ms Lin has participated in.

Ms Lin said she believed CCP supporters were behind an incident in the
Brisbane suburb of Sunnybank in 2010, when projectiles were reportedly fired at
anti-CCP newspaper the Epoch Times while she was inside with staff.

'Good Asians' will back One Nation: Lin

In 2018, Ms Lin will run in the Queensland state election seat of Bundamba —
not far from Pauline Hanson's old Ipswich stomping ground, west of Brisbane.

She has ties to the area because of multicultural festivals she organised
through the World Harmony Society.

Ms Lin is set to come up against former Labor police minister Jo-Ann Miller,
a candidate who enjoyed a huge swing at the last election but has been dogged by
political scandals since 2015.

While the Bundamba electorate is overwhelmingly Anglo-Saxon, Ms Lin said she
believed Brisbane's Asian community would support her bid to win a seat for One
Nation.

"There are two groups of Asians … the good Asians will be like me," she
said.

"The other group will be supporting CCP, and those people who support CCP are
selfish people."

LNP, Labor, KAP, now One Nation

For the One Nation challenger, this election tilt could be a case of fourth
time lucky.

Ms Lin said the Liberal National Party and Labor had previously approached
her to run in other elections, but withdrew their support because of her
involvement with the Epoch Times and views about the CCP.

She ran in the Queensland seat of Moreton for Katter's Australian Party (KAP)
in the 2016 federal election, but secured less than 2 per cent of the vote.

However, Ms Lin claimed the campaign was doomed from the start because she
received little backing from KAP headquarters and did not even meet party leader
Bob Katter.

Having spoken to Ms Hanson in person, Ms Lin said things were different this
time.

"I believe she supports me," Ms Lin said.

She said she believed she was One Nation's first Asian candidate.

While Queensland campaign manager Jim Savage could not recall any others, he
said the party had not kept records of the ethnic backgrounds of its past
candidates.

"Everyone seems to brand us as a racist party, but we don't pick our
candidates based on race or gender," Mr Savage said.

"But when we have an Asian candidate everyone wants to know about it."

Mr Savage said One Nation supported Ms Lin's strong anti-CCP stance.

"Is China an evil communist dictatorship? Absolutely, communism is the
diametric opposite to what One Nation stands for," he said.

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